The civil rights movement that we knew in the 60’s is gone.

It is not that the struggle for equality is over. The new leadership in that struggle is now on the inside of the system.

And although some of us were part of that struggle, we didn’t address the goal of black Americans taking their place leading our government. That was too far off, too lofty an objective.

When it came to the national political stage, Jesse Jackson and Al Sharpton paved the way – they were part of the old school struggle.

Although he is everybody’s president, Barack Obama is the symbol of the movement today.

David Paterson sits in Albany struggling against a faltering economy, a bloated state budget and a dysfunctional system. Civil rights is always a paramount goal but the process of government is the responsibility.

And as we see the mantle of black leadership passed from old to new, we in Queens know that locally, Floyd Flake led the way. The pastor of Southeast Queens’ largest church brought community activism and service to new heights. Young black leaders followed him. With a commitment to their faith and community, they chose politics as their way to make a contribution.

Malcolm Smith was one of them.

As I write this, Malcolm Smith is the leader of the New York State Senate. After he maneuvered his way to the top of the Democratic caucus replacing David Paterson who was selected as Eliot Spitzer’s running mate, Malcolm presided over the conference and campaign – with the help of Barack Obama atop of the ticket – winning a majority of seats for the first time since 1965.



Malcolm’s Approach

In June of 2007, Malcolm and I sat down to talk about his new leadership role in the State.

“My job is to make sure that the State of New York is the leading state where people can raise their family and open a business.

“I’m not driven by this office to make this a career for the rest of my life – I am driven by Christian beliefs . . . My mission in life is to help people fulfill their own purpose in life.”

Malcolm is not the typical “caucus leader.” He is a lot less concerned with promoting the Democratic Party than he is in providing good government. He was the only member of the Dem caucus to endorse Bloomberg in ’05, yet was its selected leader in ‘07.

It was during our meeting, almost a year and a half before the election in which Malcolm took the majority, that he shared his strategy:

“I am very deliberate, strategic, concise – there is a plan, a real plan – I could go for seven seats, but why hope that the wind is blowing in the right direction? My approach is very businesslike – I am going to target what I can get,” as he listed the targeted seats.

Indicating Councilman Joe Addabbo as the Democratic candidate against Western Queens State Senator Serf Maltese, Malcolm folded one finger down with confidence.

He moved to his second finger, claiming Cesar Trunzo on Long Island has remained this long only because Joe Bruno and the State Senate Republicans have forced him to stay.

He went on to name two other possibilities but it was the two seats he focused on in June of 2007, which he and the Democrats won that made the difference in Novemeber of 2008.

And then Malcolm’s real struggle began.



The GanG Of Four

The “Gang of Four,” Carl Kruger of Brooklyn, Pedro Espada and Rueben Diaz of the Bronx and newly elected Queens State Senator Hiram Monserratte were holdouts demanding that Latinos have a larger role in leading the caucus. While Monserratte quickly moved to Malcolm’s camp, the “Gang of Three” threatened to side with the Republicans denying Smith and the Dems their long-awaited leadership.

Diaz, a minister, demanded that Smith guarantee that his promised vote on same-sex marriage not be held. Espada thought he, a Latino, should be the leader and Kruger, echoing the Latino leadership cry, appeared to be a power-hungry selfish power broker. And weeks went by without Malcolm wining them over and GOP leader Dean Skelos offering them power.

It should have come as no surprise. Albany has been a political sewer of dysfunction and threats or payoffs, not principle, is how votes are traditionally won. The “Gang of Three” were playing the Albany game and had boxed Malcolm into a corner.

At the same time, some who had backed Malcolm, coveted his position. Malcolm Smith, the new kid, almost one of those lofty “three men in the room,” might be denied.

While the cry for Latino leadership by the “Gang of Three” was really heard as power positions for Kruger and Espada and no same sex marriage legislation for Diaz, the roots of black legislative leadership were often similarly dismissed as just self-serving.

But motives didn’t matter; votes did.

So with the help – and power – of his friend and ally Governor David Paterson, Smith sat down last week and negotiated a deal with the “Gang of Three.”

Smith would lead the Senate as president pro tem while Espada would be the majority leader – the new power paradigm was untested but it elevated a Latino to the new No. 2 position of power in the caucus. Kruger would become chair of a now autonomous Finance Committee – the most powerful committee in the Senate. Finally, Diaz was granted his wish, there would be no same sex marriage vote.

Now Espada has a background that is less than stellar. He owes more than $60,000 in fines to the NYC Campaign Finance Board dating back to his 2001 run for Bronx Beep, did not register his state campaign committee with the NYS Board Of Electons this year and previously received campaign funds diverted from a Bronx non-profit organization.

Turmoil could continue up until the final vote. Certainly there are members – perhaps many – who resent – power being given to those who threatened their majority control. There will be members who resent the elevation of Espada and Kruger above them. There are certainly those who will oppose selling out on the gay marriage issue.

Smith, with the governor’s help had cobbled together a deal to give him and the Democrats Senate leadership.

The real question is, can he keep it together?