....October 12, 2:48 PM
 
 
 
Bill Thompson, Knocking On The Mayoral Door

Bill Thompson and Mike Schenkler

By MICHAEL SCHENKLER

No, this is not an endorsement – don’t be misled by the headline.

Geesh, it’s more than two years away until we get to vote for the next Mayor – the election is in November of ’09 with a September ’09 Primary.

However, as we’ve occupied this seat for the past seven Mayoral Elections, we have discovered patterns and characteristics which help us narrow the field and make recommendations to others. More often than not, it’s personal qualities – and not policies – which lead to the election of the Mayor of New York City.

New York is a liberal town – if the Liberal Party was still for real, I could almost capitalize the “L.” The Mayor will be pro-choice, anti-war, pro-education, in favor of expanding or universal healthcare, committed to affordable housing – keeping our middle class viable, helping our less fortunate, rebuilding our infrastructure and further stimulating our economy while not making it too costly to live and survive here.

Simple tasks, and they’ll all line up behind them all. And our City Council will also jump on the bandwagon. As a matter of fact, almost everybody wants the same things for our great city. How to go about achieving and affording them and governing seems to be where we find differences.

Ed Koch was a character – a personality, bigger than life, ruling with his charisma.

David Dinkins was a gentleman, the only black Mayor, too soft on touch to keep command.

Rudy Giuliani was a prosecutor – a driven, authoritarian ruler whose image grew in crisis.

Mike Bloomberg is a businessman, wealthy and free of obligations permitting decisions by intellect.

The characteristics which will help elect the next mayor will include: an appearance of independence, charisma, minority roots or connection, an ability to maintain quality of life while still showing compassion. Sort of a man with the demeanor and roots of David Dinkins, the charisma of Ed Koch, the quality of life commitment of Rudy and the skill and acumen of Mayor Mike.

Meet New York City Comptroller Bill Thompson.

Granted, Bill grew up on the inside of Brooklyn politics – his dad a judge and he skillfully moved from Brooklyn Deputy Beep to NYC Bd of Ed Pres to Comptroller – but he has the persona, the smarts and the sensibilities to fit the awesome bill required for Mayor.

No, he is not independently wealthy and his biggest challenge could very well come from a self- financed opponent running outside of the publicly-funded Campaign Finance matching program. (AOL-Time Warner chair Dick Parsons, an African American, is the buzz of the moment.) Thompson acknowledges the strength of his potential candidacy but doesn’t believe his friend will make the race.

The list of potential candidates we discussed at our breakfast last week included Democrats Congressman Anthony Weiner, Council Speaker Christine Quinn, Bronx Beep Adolfo Carrion, Queens Councilman Tony Avella, and possibly Public Advocate Betsy Gotbaum. Democrat Gristedes, millionaire John Catsimatidis, Police Commish Ray Kelly and aforementioned Parsons were the only names on our short list of GOP possibles.

While not declaring or acknowledging his own candidacy – he’s running – Bill Thompson is focusing on the 2009 race.

While raising money will occupy a good deal of time for all the candidates, Thompson applauds the City matching programs in spite of some needed improvements and believes with all the problems only full public funding would make the process more equitable.

His tenure as Comptroller has enhanced his profile in minority communities and his fundraising ability across the board.

While claiming Queens-Brooklyn Congressman Anthony Weiner would be the frontrunner if polled today, he declared his chances as: “Better than 50/50? I would hope so…given my work and experience it would put me in a strong position.”

As we see it, the election is a long way off. And while many of the names above may declare their candidacy while others will fade away and a couple perhaps drop down to Comptroller or Public Advocate, unless a self-funded giant comes along it will clearly be Thompson and Weiner with perhaps Carrion and Quinn as the names to be contended with.

With proven vote getting ability, charisma, leadership, experience, support in the business and minority community, we’ve only omitted Thompson’s obvious modesty which is illustrated by him picking another as frontrunner.

Two years is a lifetime in politics. But if you come back to this page then, we’d bet that we’ll be here talking to Bill Thompson about his plans for New York City.




Thompson on the Trib: “I always wind up in conversations here that I never have at any other place.”

-- Bill Thompson (laughing)

Michael Schenkler can be reached via this contact form.

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TrooperGate: a Battle for Control of New York State

By HENRY STERN

We have been chronicling the Senate War of 2007-08, of which TrooperGate represents an attack by the brash young governor, parried smartly by the wily old senator. We pay so much attention to these events, because in fact a struggle for the political control of New York State.

For the last 42 years, since 1966, the NYS Senate has had a Republican majority. The Democrats won the Senate in 1964 (the year Lyndon Johnson swept Goldwater). Prior to that, the Senate had been Republican.

On the other side of the Capitol, the State Assembly has been Democratic since 1975 (the year after Watergate). The Republicans had controlled the Assembly for the previous nine years, the Democrats winning the Assembly for only one year, 1964, the same year they won the Senate. Before that, the Assembly also was Republican.

What we have had for the last 32 years is a Republican Senate and a Democratic Assembly. According to political expert Jerry Skurnik, no other state has had a legislature divided between parties for that length of time.

The reason for this apparent electoral anomaly is that in New York, each house redistricts itself decennially, after the Federal census. They do so with the primary intent of protecting incumbents and frustrating challengers of either party. The state is exquisitely carved into oddly-shaped districts which represent the interests of the majority party in each house.

There has been a tacit understanding among the powers that be that this division of authority, which roughly mirrors the political strength of the parties, is not to be disturbed. Each party takes its share of appropriations for local construction and subsidies to specific community organizations, commonly known as pork. They overfeed their majorities at the expense of minority members and their districts. The victims are Senate Democrats, Assembly Republicans and the people they represent. The power of the leadership to allocate pork also ensures obedience by legislators who might otherwise use their independent judgment on issues before them. To defy the leader on an issue could mean that the little league baseball teams in your district will not get a new ballfield. Try explaining that to the mommies and daddies to whom you promised a place for their kids to play.

When Gov. Eliot Spitzer, propelled by an overwhelming majority, took office in January 2007, he launched a campaign to end Republican hegemony in the Senate, thinking that if both houses were controlled by Democrats, he would have an easier time enacting his programs. He was somewhat naive in this judgment, because the wars in Albany are not between the parties, but between the interest groups which have substantial influence over both parties.

It is also true that, with divided leadership in the legislature, it is easier for the governor to align himself with one faction or another, switching when he feels it is in the public interest or his own to do so. The self-described steamroller governor was not fully aware of the human factor in politics, a failing which has caused problems for his administration for its first nine months.

To gain control of the senate, Spitzer first tried to wean Republican Senators to switch sides. He had one success, Senator Michael Balboni of the north shore of Long Island accepted a position in the administration of Deputy Secretary for Homeland Security. He has barely been heard from since. The governor then raised money and did commercials for Craig Johnson, the Democratic candidate who won Balboni’s seat. This was a violation of the tradition of non-interference with existing political majorities. It earned Bruno’s enmity.

Balboni’s defection and Johnson’s election reduced Bruno’s majority from 34-28 to 33-29. The election of two more Democratic senators would bring about a 31-31 tie, which would be broken by Lieutenant Governor David A. Paterson, a Democrat.

This has been essentially a lesson in civics and history, explaining why TrooperGate is more important than just a food fight over airplane rides. This most recent Gate, although in some ways a diversion, is primarily a part of the main game, which in the 13 months to come will focus on the state senate.

StarQuest@NYCivic.org

Not4Publication.com by Dom Nunziato
Michael Schenkler can be reached via this contact form.